Muslim
separatism, as it developed in British India, has been discussed
extensively and competently. Even so, it is necessary to make some
points in order to be able to discuss post-1947 developments in a
meaningful way.
First, the British Raj in India was
critically dependent on collaborators came from both the old and the
new (British-produced) order. If Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan chose the
path of collaboration, so did most leading Hindus of that period.
His Persian ancestry is relevant in this context. He spoke for the
Persianized Muslim elite centred in western UP which played a
crucial role in the rise of Muslim nationalism, leading to
the formation of Pakistan. There is no similar Persianized Muslim
elite in today's India and there is no power with which such an
elite, even if it had somehow survived partition and subsequent
modernization, could have combined. Second, even the first step
towards Muslim nationalism could not have been taken in
British India in the absence of separate electorates. This British
move did not prove decisive, as the poor performance of the Muslim
League in the elections to the state legislatures in 1937 showed;in
the Muslim-majority provinces of Bengal and Punjab, the dominant
Muslim parties and leaders made common cause with the relevant
sections of Hindus - the poor and the landless in Bengal and the
Hindu and Sikh land owing peasantry in Punjab. Even so, separate
electorates laid the basis of Muslim separatism. Our founding
fathers abolished separate electorates and, mercifully for us, our
rulers have not yielded to the pressure for allowing the dangerous
scheme to make a re-entry by the back door, which is what the demand
for proportional representation amounts to.
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